Monday, January 30, 2017

Overview of President Trump's Immigration Executive Orders


immigration attorney nycINTRODUCTION


On January 25, 2017, President Donald Trump issued two executive orders on immigration law:
  • Executive Order: Enhancing Public Safety in the Interior of the United States [PDF version]; and
  • Executive Order: Border Security and Immigration Enforcement Improvements [PDF version].

Additionally, President Trump is expected to issue a version the following executive order in the near future:
  • Executive Order: Protecting the Nation from Terrorist Attacks by Foreign Nationals (draft) [PDF version].

In this article, we will provide an overview of the three executive orders. In the coming days, we will publish comprehensive articles on the provisions of each of these executive orders along with analysis of what they will mean for immigration policy going forward.

INTERIOR SECURITY


The first executive order, “Enhancing Public Safety in the Interior of the United States,” provides a new set of civil enforcement priorities that appear to be significantly broader than those published by the Obama Administration in 2014 (although it does not repeal the Johnson Memorandum) [see article]. The Order also instructs the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to endeavor to dramatically increase the number of officers in the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). The order includes provisions aimed at withholding certain grants from “sanctuary cities” that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement. Finally, the order instructs the DHS and the Department of State (DOS) to implement the sanctions provided by section 243(d) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) against countries that refuse to accept the return of their nationals.

BORDER SECURITY


The second executive order, “Border Security and Immigration Enforcement Improvements,” focuses heavily on instructing the DHS to build a wall along the southern border. However, the President will ultimately need funding from Congress to complete this task. The order instructs DHS to increase the use of immigration detention for aliens in removal proceedings and those apprehended at the border to the extent permitted by law. Accordingly, it orders the DHS to construct new immigration detention facilities staffed with asylum officers. The order instructs the U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) to hire 5,000 new Border Patrol agents.

The order instructs the DHS to engage with State Governors and local officials for the purpose of entering into agreements under section 287(g) of the INA where such State and local officials can cooperate with the DHS in enforcing the federal immigration laws. It instructs the DHS to ensure that the parole and asylum provisions of the INA are not “illegally exploited” to prevent the removal of otherwise removable aliens. It focuses specifically on the expedited removal provisions. Finally, it instructs the DHS to ensure that unaccompanied alien children are properly processed and cared for when in DHS custody.

NATIONAL SECURITY


The third executive order, as drafted would, among other things, establish new protocols for vetting nationals from designated countries of concern, suspend the issuance of visas to individuals from certain countries of concern, suspend the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) for 120 days, and cease all refugee processing and admittance of nationals from Syria until the President determines that adequate safeguards are in place. Upon resumption of the refugee program, the DOS and DHS are instructed to prioritize religious persecution claims made by religious minorities to the maximum extent provided by law. The draft also has the President lowering the refugee ceiling to 50,000 refugees for FY-2017. During the 120-day pause to the refugee program, the DOS and DHS may still admit individual refugees on a case-by-case basis when it is deemed to be in the national interest, or when the refugee claim is made by an individual on the basis of religious persecution provided that the individual is in a minority religion in his or her country of nationality. The President ordered the DOS to work with the Department of Defense (DOD) to produce a plan to create a safe zone around Syria for Syrian nationals fleeing violence.

The draft order calls for the “recision of exercise of authority relating to terrorism grounds of inadmissibility.” It instructs the DHS to expedite the completion of a biometric entry-exit tracking system. It orders the DOS to immediately suspend the Visa Interview Waiver Program. Finally, it orders the DOS to review all nonimmigrant visa reciprocity agreements.

CONCLUSION


The three executive orders mix substantive changes to immigration policy with other immigration proposals that will require Congressional funding. Each of these orders includes provisions that represent shifts from the immigration policies of the Obama Administration toward stricter enforcement of the immigration laws. Several of the provisions are broadly worded and afford discretion to the DHS and the DOS, so it remains to be seen how they will ultimately be applied. Nevertheless, it is fair to say that President Trump is moving quickly to prioritize immigration enforcement and changes to the refugee program in his first day in office.

In the coming days, we will provide detailed articles on the content of each of these Executive Orders.

Please visit the nyc immigration lawyers website for further information. The Law Offices of Grinberg & Segal, PLLC focuses vast segment of its practice on immigration law. This steadfast dedication has resulted in thousands of immigrants throughout the United States.

Lawyer website: http://myattorneyusa.com

President Trump Tweets That He Will Pick His SCOTUS Nominee on February 2


immigration attorney nycUpdate (Jan. 30, 2017): President Trump has moved the date to January 31, 2017, at 8:00 PM [see blog].

At 7:17 AM on January 25, 2017, President Donald Trump posted the following announcement on his personal Twitter account:

“I will be making my Supreme Court pick on Thursday of next week. Thank you!”

- President Donald Trump

Assuming that the President keeps the date, February 2, 2017, will mark the most important decision yet for his young administration. If confirmed, the individual who President Trump selects next Thursday will have a dramatic effect on United States law for years, if not decades, to come. Immigration law is no exception to this rule, as the Supreme Court often resolves critical issues related to immigration statutes and other criminal and administrative law cases that touch on immigration issues.

Although we do not know who the President will select, many outlets are reporting that he is down to the same three finalists:

  • Judge Neil Gorsuch, United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit;
  • Judge Thomas Hardiman, United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit; and
  • Judge William H. Pryor Jr., United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit.

Judges Gorsuch, Hardiman, and Pryor — all appointees of former President George W. Bush — have stellar reputations from their service on the federal bench. All three are considered reliable conservative judges, although there are key differences in their methodologies and their legal views on certain issues. If President Trump has in fact narrowed his list of 21 Supreme Court prospects to these three individuals, we can be assured that the next Supreme Court justice will be well-qualified to faithfully interpret the law going forward.

Many are looking for clues as to which of these individuals is the “frontrunner,” but fortunately our questions will be answered soon enough.[1] When the President makes his choice, I will post a comprehensive profile of the new nominee, as well as how he compares to the other finalists (barring a surprise choice). In the meantime, please see my blog post about a look at a couple of interesting immigration decisions authored by Judge Gorsuch [see blog].

Please visit the nyc immigration lawyers website for further information. The Law Offices of Grinberg & Segal, PLLC focuses vast segment of its practice on immigration law. This steadfast dedication has resulted in thousands of immigrants throughout the United States.

  1. Judge Hardiman serves on the Third Circuit with the President's sister, Judge Maryanne Trump Barry. Whether this will buttress his case remains to be seen.

Lawyer website: http://myattorneyusa.com

Friday, January 27, 2017

Analysis of DHS's Decision to Remove NSEERS Regulations


immigration attorney nycINTRODUCTION: REPEAL OF NSEERS REGULATIONS


On December 23, 2016, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) published a final rule in the Federal Register that removed the regulations underlying the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System (NSEERS) program. You can read the final rule here: [81 FR 94231]. The Final rule affects regulations that were found in 8 C.F.R. 214 and 264. NSEERS had not been active since 2011.

In this article, we will examine what the NSEERS program was, what the repeal means, and how it may affect the immigration plans of the incoming Trump Administration.

WHAT WAS NSEERS?


The Federal Register notice explains that the first iteration of the NSEERS program was implemented in 1991 by the then-Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). The program instituted special registration and fingerprinting requirements for certain nonimmigrants who were traveling on Iraqi or Kuwaiti travel documents. These regulations were repealed in 1993, but the INS published regulations that allowed the Attorney General to “require certain nonimmigrants of specific countries to be registered and fingerprinted upon arrival to the United States” under section 263(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA). Section 263(a)(6) of the INA gives the Attorney General the authority to “prescribe special regulations and forms for the registration and fingerprinting” of any class of aliens not admitted for permanent residence, and (section 263(a)(1)-(5) lists specific classes of aliens).

In the wake of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the INS proposed and then finalized a rule to expand the existing registration and fingerprinting program in 8 C.F.R. 264.1(f). The regulations also amended 8 C.F.R. 214.1 so as to require selected nonimmigrants to comply with the NSEERS regulations in 8 C.F.R. 264.1(f) as a condition of admission. The program, which was called NSEERS, required designated nonimmigrants to report to the INS within 30 days of arrival in the United States and “upon certain events such as a change of address, and at the time of departure from the United States.” The program initially covered nonimmigrants from Iraq, Iran, Libya, and Sudan (Syria was added shortly thereafter). The INS then announced that it would only apply to males of 16 years or older from the designated countries. Between November 2002 and January 2003, the INS added an additional 20 countries to the NSEERS program. In December of 2003, the INS amended the NSEERS regulations to suspend the 30-day post arrival and annual re-registration requirements.

In 2011, the DHS published a notice in the Federal Register stating that it would no longer register nonimmigrants under NSEERS, and it removed all countries from the NSEERS compliance list. Its reasoning was based on the assertion that it had more tools to capture information about nonimmigrant travelers to the United States that were not available in 2002. For this reason and others, the DHS determined that the data captured by NSEERS did not increase security. However, the DHS did not repeal the regulations underlying the NSEERS program.

In 2012, the DHS Office of Inspector General (OIG) recommended that the DHS eliminate the regulatory structure of NSEERS. Among the reasons provided for this recommendation was that NSEERS had been resource-intensive, the NSEERS database often did not function properly, and NSEERS had been ineffective. Furthermore, the DHS OIG agreed with the DHS that “newer automated targeting systems enabled more sophisticated intelligence-driven targeting than under NSEERS.”

WHY WERE THE REGULATIONS REPEALED NOW?


For reasons that are not entirely clear from the Federal Register notice, the DHS did not act on the OIG's recommendation to repeal the regulations underpinning NSEERS, despite having found that the program would no longer serve a purpose. It has been speculated that the DHS was prompted to repeal the regulations now because of the possibility that President-Elect Donald Trump might consider reinstating a version of the program upon taking office. This speculation was bolstered by his consideration of Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach — who was one of the architects of the NSEERS program — for the position of Secretary of Homeland Security. This speculation was then bolstered when Kobach was seen with a policy paper suggesting the revival of the NSEERS program in his meeting with the President-Elect.[1]

Had the NSEERS regulations remained in place, President-Elect Trump would have been able to quickly revive the program if he wanted to do so. However, now that the regulations have been repealed, the DHS would have to promulgate new regulations to create a similar program in the future. It is important to note that although the NSEERS regulations have been repealed, the Attorney General retains the statutory authority under section 263(a)(6) of the INA to execute a similar program for any class of nonimmigrant arrivals.

WAS THE PROGRAM A “MUSLIM REGISTRY”?


The NSEERS program has been commonly called a “Muslim registry.”[2] There are likely two reasons for this. The first reason is that 24 of the 25 countries included in the program were predominantly Muslim, with the lone exception being North Korea. The second reason is that President-Elect Trump has at times suggested a broad Muslim registry of unclear parameters or specific requirements for Muslim aliens seeking admission, or more recently country-specific requirements or restrictions instead of religious ones.

However, looking at how the NSEERS program actually worked, it would be inaccurate to call it a “Muslim registry.” First, the following is the list of countries that were included in the NSEERS program before the DHS ceased using it in 2011:

  • Afghanistan;
  • Algeria;
  • Bahrain;
  • Bangladesh;
  • Egypt;
  • Eritrea;
  • Indonesia;
  • Iran;
  • Iraq;
  • Jordan;
  • Kuwait;
  • Lebanon;
  • Libya;
  • Morocco;
  • North Korea;
  • Oman;
  • Pakistan;
  • Qatar;
  • Saudi Arabia;
  • Somalia;
  • Sudan;
  • Syria;
  • Tunisia;
  • United Arab Emirates; and
  • Yemen.

As noted, the law has been commonly called a “Muslim registry” because 24 of the 25 countries have majority Muslim populations. However, there are multiple problems with this overly-broad description.

First, the program applied to all males over the age of 16 from these countries, not only Muslims. Many of the countries on the list, such as Bangladesh, Egypt, Lebanon, and Pakistan (to name a few) have large non-Muslim populations as well. A male Coptic Christian from Egypt was subject to the same registration requirements as a Muslim from Egypt. Furthermore, that the program was limited to males over the age of 16 meant that women were never subject to the NSEERS registration requirements, whether they were Muslim or not.

Second, although 24 of the 25 countries were majority Muslim, the majority of majority-Muslim countries were not included in NSEERS. A Pew Research Center report published in 2011 found that there were 54 countries and regions[3] with populations that were at least 50% Muslim.[4] Of the ten countries with the largest Muslim populations, three — India, Nigeria, and Turkey — were not included in NSEERS (note that Muslims do not make up a majority of India and made up an estimated 41-50% of Nigeria). 12 countries that were found in 2011 to be at least 90% Muslim were not included in NSEERS: Azerbaijan, Comoros, Djibouti, Gambia, Maldives, Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.

For these reasons, while it is true that the vast majority of nonimmigrants affected by NSEERS were Muslim, it is not fair to call the program a “Muslim registry.” The Bush Administration clearly exercised discretion in choosing which countries should be included in the program, did not base the requirements on religion, and in fact left out a very large number of majority-Muslim countries and countries with significant Muslim minority populations. Had President Bush been creating a Muslim registry, he would have been especially hard-pressed to explain the omission of several countries with significant Muslim populations and many that are nearly entirely Muslim. The fact that nearly every country that was deemed to pose special security risks was predominantly Muslim does not make NSEERS a “Muslim registry.”

WAS THE PROGRAM EFFECTIVE?


Although the program was not a “Muslim registry,” that does not mean that it was ultimately effective. The program was not only ended because the DHS created better tools to monitor and track nonimmigrants, but also because NSEERS did not accomplish what it was created to do. Instead of being an effective national security program, NSEERS mainly led to many individuals covered by the program being charged with regular immigration violations. While finding ways to catch immigration violations is an important mission for the DHS, there is no specific imperative that exists to catch an Egyptian national committing a regular immigration violation that does not exist to catch a Mexican national committing a regular immigration violation. The reason for the program's existence was to identify national security threats. Because the program primarily caught regular immigration violations committed by a small subset of nonimmigrants, it failed in its mission and was not a valuable use of INS/DHS resources.

WHAT DOES THIS MEAN FOR PRESIDENT-ELECT TRUMP?


It is unclear as to whether President-Elect Trump would have revived NSEERS had the regulations not been repealed. For example, it would have seemed likely had he decided to nominate Kris Kobach to be Secretary of DHS, but President-Elect Trump ultimately chose retired General John Kelly, who has no known position on the NSEERS program. As I detailed in multiple blog posts, President-Elect Trump's position on immigration security is unclear, and has been at times absurd [see blog] and at other times somewhat reasonable [see blog].

For a variety of reasons, any action taken by the next administration on immigration — especially as it affects Muslims — will be heavily scrutinized. Some of the reasons for this are fair. For example, the President-Elect proposed early in his campaign to ban all Muslim immigration and he has at the very least alluded to religion-based registries. These proposals were rightfully criticized, reflecting that he will be carefully watched even if he proposes entirely effective and reasonable programs to improve immigration security. Other reasons are unfair. For example, many profess that nonimmigrants seeking admission to the United States, and nonimmigrants already present in the United States, have the same rights as U.S. citizens. This is simply not the case. The United States has an absolute right to determine who is admitted and who is not and under what circumstances and conditions. The President and the Congress have a responsibility to exercise this authority carefully and in ways to protect America's interests and security. We have the authority to assess actions taken with respect to immigration with respect to whether the actions benefit the United States and American security, and not as if nonimmigrants or even permanent residents have the same rights as U.S. citizens.

If President-Elect Trump had plans to revive NSEERS, President Obama did him a favor. Whatever limited benefits NSEERS offered — if any — would have been more than negated by the ensuing firestorm that would have arose had the Trump Administration reinstated it. The Trump Administration will have to make its security-related immigration reforms count and be prepared to carefully explain them to the American people in order to assuage any concerns rooted in past campaign rhetoric or from misconceptions about how immigration law works. NSEERS did not have a record of success to defend, and it has already been defined in the media as a “Muslim registry,” regardless of the inaccuracy of that characterization. The repeal of the implementing regulations for NSEERS will give the Trump Administration and incoming Secretary John Kelly, should he be confirmed, the opportunity to start fresh and develop new immigration reforms that will help improve U.S. security while not squandering its political and moral capital. We can only hope that the President-Elect and his team will propose such sensible and effective immigration reforms in the near future.

Please visit the nyc immigration lawyers website for further information. The Law Offices of Grinberg & Segal, PLLC focuses vast segment of its practice on immigration law. This steadfast dedication has resulted in thousands of immigrants throughout the United States.

  1. Soergel, Andrew, “Kris Kobach Shows His Papers, Reveals Potential Homeland Security Agenda Under Trump,” usnews.com, (Nov. 21, 2016)
  2. See e.g., Sakuma, Amanda, “Trump Immigration Adviser Kris Kobach Wrote the Book on Muslim Registry,” nbcnews.com, (Nov. 17, 2016)
  3. The list includes a select few regions that are not considered independent countries.
  4. Pew Research Center, “Mapping the Global Muslim Population: A Report on the Size and Distribution of the World's Muslim Population,” The Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, (Oct. 2009); see also, Wikipedia, “Islam by country,” en.wikipedia.org, (retrieved on Dec. 27, 2016)

Lawyer website: http://myattorneyusa.com

Thursday, January 26, 2017

Board Requests Amicus Briefs on Whether the Federal Offense of Misprision of a Felony is a CIMT


immigration attorney nycINTRODUCTION


On January 5, 2017, the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) issued Amicus Invitation No. 17-01-05 [PDF version], asking for briefs on the issue of whether the federal offense of misprision of a felony under 18 U.S.C. 4 is categorically a crime involving moral turpitude (CIMT) under the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) and on the collateral issue of the possible retroactive effect of a ruling. Briefs are due by February 6, 2017. In this article we will offer a brief overview of the issues and what the Board wants interested members of the public to address in amicus curiae (“friends of the court”) briefs.

ISSUES PRESENTED


The Board is asking for briefs to address whether the offense of misprision of a felony under 18 U.S.C. 4 — a federal criminal statute — categorically qualifies as a CIMT. In order for the offense to categorically qualify as a CIMT, any conviction under any provision of 18 U.S.C. 4 must constitute a CIMT. The language of 18 U.S.C. 4 is as follows:

Whoever, having knowledge of the actual commission of a felony cognizable by a court of the United States, conceals and does not as soon as possible make known the same to some judge or other person in civil or military authority under the United States, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than three years, or both.

The Board is asking for briefs to address the issue in light of the following decisions:
  • Matter of Robles-Urrea, 24 I&N Dec. 22 (BIA 2006) [PDF version];
  • Robles-Urrea v. Holder, 678 F.3d 702 (9th Cir. 2012) [PDF version]; and
  • Itani v. Ashcroft, 298 F.3d 1213 (11th Cir. 2002) [PDF version].
In the Matter of Robles-Urrea, the Board had held in 2006 that 18 U.S.C. 4 is a categorical CIMT. In so doing, it overruled in part a previous precedent decision, the Matter of Sloan, 12 I&N Dec. 840 (AG 1968; BIA 1966) [PDF version]. In its decision, the Board noted that the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals, in Itani v. Ashcroft, had been the only Court of Appeals to have previously considered the question, and in 2002 it had also concluded that 18 U.S.C. 4 is a CIMT. In 2012, however, in Robels-Urrea v. Holder, the Ninth Circuit reversed the Board's precedent decision, ruling that 18 U.S.C. 4 is not a categorical CIMT.

The Board asked for amicus curiae briefs to address whether the Board should adhere to its decision in the Matter of Robles-Urrea in circuits other than the Ninth. This would be an option since the Ninth Circuit's decision to reverse the Matter of Robles-Urrea only controls in the Ninth Circuit. The Board also asked for briefs to address an interesting issue that would arise if the Board chooses to adhere to the Matter of Robles-Urrea in all circuits — that is, whether applying the Matter of Robles-Urrea to convictions for acts committed prior to its publication in 2006 would be impermissibly retroactive. This issue would arise because the Matter of Robels-Urrea overruled a previous administrative precedent decision in the Matter of Sloan, 12 I&N Dec. 840 (AG 1968; BIA 1966), that had held that the crime of misprison of a felony was not a CIMT.

CONCLUSION


The amicus invitation can be readily broken into two parts. The first part is the question of whether 18 U.S.C. 4 is a categorical CIMT. The second part comes into play only if the Board were to reaffirm its position that 18 U.S.C. 4 is a categorical CIMT. The first issue is whether the Board should hold to its position outside of the Ninth Circuit, notwithstanding the Ninth Circuit's contrary position. The second issue is whether the Matter of Robels-Urrea could be applied retroactively to pre-2006 cases if the Board stands by it outside of the Ninth Circuit.

We will update the site if the Board renders a new precedent opinion that clarifies its position on these issues.

Please visit the nyc immigration lawyers website for further information. The Law Offices of Grinberg & Segal, PLLC focuses vast segment of its practice on immigration law. This steadfast dedication has resulted in thousands of immigrants throughout the United States.

Lawyer website: http://myattorneyusa.com